Music and Change in Florida

By Wiley L. Housewright

I. The Spanish Legacy

In the closing years of the fifteenth century Spain led other European nations in settling the New World. Santo Domingo was the earliest Spanish colony in the Western hemisphere. Its establishment was followed by the founding of more than two hundred towns in islands of the Caribbean, years before the discovery of Florida.¹

Juan Ponce de León discovered Florida in 1513 and explored both the east and west coasts, but failed to establish a settlement. Fourteen years later the Spanish king ordered the red-bearded, one-eyed commander Panfilo de Narvaez "to conquer and govern the provinces... from the river of Palms to the cape of Florida." Narvaez assembled a company of about 600 men, and they sailed to Santo Domingo, then on to Santiago, Cuba. At Trinidad they encountered heavy rain and a hurricane. "In this plight we heard, all night long and especially after midnight, a great uproar, the sound of many voices, the tinkling of little bells, also flutes and tambourines and other instruments, the most of which noise lasted until morning, when the storm ceased" wrote Narvaez.²

Hernando Cortez brought six musicians with him to Mexico in 1519 and five others to Honduras in 1524. He thus set the precedent for bringing musicians to the New World.³ Father Juan de Las Cabezas y Altiméro took a group of musicians from Cuba to his assignment in Guatemala.⁴

Philip II of Spain authorized the Viceroy of Mexico to make a settlement in Florida in 1559. In response, Father Pedro Martín de Feria and four associate priests sailed from Santa Cruz. About two months later they arrived at Pensacola Bay. They were members of the Tristan de Luna y Arelláno expedition, one of the early attempts by the Spanish to settle Florida. The historian of the expedition wrote of Father Martín that he was a lover of music and ceremonies of the church, and he did not let his episcopal dignity prevent him from personally teaching these to the Indians. His clergy were required to do the same. These five men were the first documented teachers of European music in the eastern sector of what is now the United States of America.

Following the settlement of St. Augustine by Pedro Menéndez de Avilés in 1565 were waves of Spanish Franciscan missionary priests whose charge was to convert the Indians to the Catholic religion. Among them was Father Fernando de Chozas who arrived in 1595. He taught contrapuntal music to the East Coast natives and accompanied them on an organ he had imported for that purpose.⁵

Adelantado Menéndez also brought to St. Augustine instrumentalists: two clarino players, three trumpeters, two drummers, a harpist, a psaltery player, a vihuela de arco player, and a guitarist. With them were four to six trained gentlemen singers and a dwarf who both sang and danced.⁶

The vocal music of these early Florida settlers was that of the Spanish legacy. It was a direct-line inheritance from the Burgundians. Among its chief composers were Juan del Encina, Francisco Guerrero and Cristobál de Morales. Their music and that of their contemporaries consisted of secular romances, villancicos, music for the Mass and Divine Office, and sacred motets. Instrumental music was written for various combinations. Transcriptions and reductions of vocal works were numerous.

Father Geronimo de Oré, a Peruvian Franciscan, made two inspection trips to Florida in 1614 and 1616 as the episcopal delegate of the Bishop of Cuba. Father Oré and his three brothers were all organists and priests. In Florida, Oré sang the Mass of the Holy Ghost at a convent and led two processionals singing the Te Deum Laudamus. He observed that the Indians of Florida sang the music of the church service and met in the community house to teach each other how to sing and to read.

The Spanish of Florida devised festivals that have endured. Instruments such as the vihuela de arco, salterio, and guitar enriched the texture of the post military bands. Usually they were played alone. Ceremonies or celebrations marked such events as the accession of a king, or the pregnancy of the queen. Large crowds usually gathered at the town square in St. Augustine for feasting, equestrian parades, and horse races. Music was played for dancing or masquerades. Deaths of kings were commemorated by solemn processions with music by organists, choirboys, and military bands. No other observance matched one that was staged by Governor Zéspedes honoring the coronation of Charles IV in 1789. Cheers were shouted from ships in the harbor, church bells rang, and silver medals were distributed.⁷

The Spanish achieved a measure of their religious mission through the employment of music, but teaching natives how to read and sing was achieved at the cost of lives of priests and settlers. Pedro Menéndez de Avilés enlarged his chamber orchestra by saving the lives of French musicians while slaughtering other Frenchmen at Ft. Caroline. This move probably improved social life in St. Augustine.

One of the greatest Spanish scholars who wrote about native Floridians was Frey Francisco Pareja. He ministered among the Timucua in ten missions near Fort George Island in the late 16th century. There he wrote a bilingual Spanish and Timucua Confessionario to aid Spanish priests to administer confession to the Timucuans. Pareja spent thirty-three years among the Florida natives. His book is one of the earliest works to survive in any North American native language. The book itself was published in Mexico in 1613 after the Frey had been assigned there.⁸

II. Native Music Observed

There is something awkward about trying to describe music of a culture not your own. We can comment on the instrument, the score organization, the performance, and the context. Only the last of these can tell us what we must know if we are to make a sagacious assessment of the value of music. The purpose of its use, utilitarian or aesthetic, relates to setting. A writer’s country of origin, education, and tradition determine style in both composition and performance. Music of the natives of any country may seem odd to others. If the native is non-literate, one is reduced to commenting within the parameters of one’s own heritage. That is the problem.

Early music of Florida natives was reported by the Spaniards. Hearing it through Spanish ears, brains, and traditions puts it at risk, yet descriptions of music events in this setting give us some understanding of sixteenth century native music strained through a European culture.

Most early reports tell of singing, dancing, and drumming. In the spring, the Seminoles sang several songs of thanksgiving for the ripening corn. The fall festival celebrated the success of the hunting season. In between were song-dance imitations of snakes, alligators, chickens, quail, and owls.

Voice quality of natives were described by Europeans as strident or raucous. Their songs were brief; they were also repetitive. Some were antiphonal or responsorial. They were followed by a yell or whoop. The volume level was usually high. To European ears drumming patterns varied from basic to complex, depending on the number of percussion instruments playing. The favored rhythmic organization was the repetition of a basic melody in a rhythmic variation. Florida natives devised drums of pottery half-filled with water, hollow logs, and cylindrical frames closed at one end or both. Among the popular idiophones were small terrapin rattles worn around ankles or arms. Also favored by women natives were seeds enclosed in a gourd or other dried fruit. Conch shells and flutes were the favored aerophones. A few explorers wrote of seeing banjers (banjos), which became indispensable in minstrel shows many years later. Harps became standard to ensembles in Mexico, as well as Central and South America, although not in Florida. The chordophones (stretched strings) were imported by the Spanish in the forms of guitars and vihuelas de arco. When a Seminole was asked his opinion of music in the European tradition, he responded, "White man’s music talk too much."

III. The French Huguenot Settlement

Being a French Huguenot under the rule of Charles IX was not a comfortable situation. Being a Puritan in England or Holland was no better. Both of these groups looked to North America as a haven from religious persecution. Politically, they were eager to establish strongholds in the New World in opposition to Spanish expansion in the Caribbean and Mexico. In 1562 Jean Ribaut scouted the east coast of Florida for the French, and two years later René de Laudonnière disembarked near present-day Jacksonville. He built a fort north of St. John’s Bluff and named it Fort Caroline. Both explorers reported music by natives. Ribaut called it "howls, yelps, and lugubrious songs." Laudonnière was greeted by twenty native musicians "blowing hideous discord through pipes of reed." It must be remembered that these evaluations were made by young, sophisticated Huguenot French noblemen. Their ears were attuned to the secular chansons of Pierre Certon and Clément Jannequin, and the psalm settings of Clément Marot by Claude Goudimel. It was these psalms that they brought to Florida and there sang, "Bien heureux est quiconques, sert à Dieu volontiers" (Psalm 128: "Blessed is whoever waits on God willingly and never wearies of following in His ways").

The French brought musicians to play for both military and social occasions: violin, spinet, fife, trumpet, and drums. The spinet was the first keyboard instrument brought by Florida settlers, the first on the eastern seaboard. In 1565, Pedro Menéndez, the Spanish captain, ordered about 40 men to raze the French colony at Ft. Caroline. He ordered that all Huguenots be destroyed. For good measure, six trunks of Huguenot books were burned. Because the Adelanto was a friend of music, he spared the fifers, drummers, and trumpeters, along with four others who declared that they were Catholic. René de Laudonnière and about 25 others escaped and returned to France.⁹

In later years, Pensacola continued to have a large French population and sustained many of their national customs. In social life, one of the earliest was the celebration of Mardi Gras. Dancing was as popular in Pensacola as it was in St. Augustine. Elaborately costumed and masqued dancers were led by widow La Fleur and French gentlemen in the most brilliant ball of the year 1822.¹⁰ A pre-dance ancient ritual was la fête de papegai in which sharpshooters had their choice of dance partners, dependent on the accuracy of their aim in shooting a fake bird. Pensacola had a heady mixture of population and was a popular port for sailors. Bars and the port were welcoming. Concerts and theater thrived. Travelling professional companies from Cuba and New York visited Pensacola, Apalachicola, Tallahassee, and St. Augustine, sometimes playing eighteen-week seasons. A Pensacola concert in 1822 included piano compositions by Hummel and Dussek, as well as songs from English composers Braham, Bishop, and Shield. Opera houses and hotel ballrooms were the usual venues. The Tivoli Ballroom in Pensacola, built in 1805, accommodated 200 people. A few members of these early travelling companies who played there later became stars in New York productions.

IV. The British

The British were awarded Florida at the termination of the Seven Years War in 1763 but had eyed the peninsula as a possible possession for many generations. Explorers and visitors wrote glowing accounts of Florida. The tavern poetry of one British sailor mentioned savage people, "gylistening gold," turkeys, oysters, and cedar trees in answer to the question, "Have you not heard of Floryda?"¹¹ British newspapers advertised Florida as an economic opportunity for second sons of wealthy families. Playwrights wrote scripts inviting soldiers to volunteer to the call of the drum. "He finds that music chiefly does delight ye, and therefore chooses music to invite ye," wrote a British playwright.¹²

Anthony Aston, alias Mat Medley, a notable English musician, came to join English Governor James Moore of South Carolina in his pillage of St. Augustine in 1702. He remained in the ancient city for fifty-four days, returned to Charleston, then joined opera and theatrical companies in New York and Boston. He sang bass, danced, and acted. He returned to England, where he wrote The Fool’s Opera; or the Taste of an Age. He wrote a drama about Florida, but the script has never been found. Aston achieved renown in England as a songwriter for singers who performed on the leading stages of London. In 1743 he advertised his collection of "Negro Songs" at Goodman’s Fields. It is a collection of tunes that he probably heard in Florida and South Carolina. He may have heard some of them in Jamaica or the Bahamas, where he visited in his early days. These songs, along with those of Charles Dibdin, were forerunners of the American Minstrel show songs, which would appear more than a hundred years later.

Col. James Grant was the first governor of British East Florida. He brought to St. Augustine pairs of clarinets, oboes, horns, and bassoons, a standard instrumentation for military bands of the period. In 1770, two marches were published in London for the British Sixtieth Regiment, then stationed in Florida. One was dedicated to Gen. Frederik Haldimand, the other to Col. Gabriel Christie, both men officers of the 60th Regiment.¹³ British military musicians were required to play string instruments for social occasions. Col. Grant encouraged an active social life in St. Augustine by hosting frequent dinner dances and meetings of a Masonic lodge. It is likely that officers and their ladies danced to Scottish fiddle tunes, including one named "Ballendaloch’s Fancy," which took its name from Col. Grant’s Scottish home, Ballendaloch Castle. The British brought a large treasury of folk songs, many of them still known to present-day Floridians.

Florida did not declare war against England during the American Revolution and thus became a haven for Loyalists. The small British bands marched through the streets of Pensacola and St. Augustine playing the traditional "Grenadier’s March," "Rule Britannia," and tunes from Handel’s operas and oratorios. American citizens felt ridiculed when British troops sang "Yankee Doodle," making fun of their dress and manners. Their redress was to adopt the tune as their own and devise words that incensed their enemies.

Unlike the Spanish, George III never announced that his troops came to Florida to convert the natives to his religion. He did authorize the founding of Anglican churches and the London Bishop sent small sums of money to sustain them. Their music consisted of collections, now known by their authors: Sternhold and Hopkins, Tate and Brady, and the hymns of Isaac Watts. Florida Anglicans and Episcopalians continue to sing hymns from these collections.

After the American victory in the American Revolution, large numbers of new settlers came to Florida from northern and western states. Their ethnic and national backgrounds were as diverse as their countries of origin. Economic advantage was their objective, but religion grew in influence. In the 1830s, several Florida Episcopal churches installed organs designed by Henry Erban, the finest organ builder in America. They also employed organists at about $150 per annum. Methodist congregations grew and sang hymns of Charles Wesley. The Baptist population preferred the hymns of Isaac Watts. They edited their own collections and named them Mercer’s Cluster and Baptist Harmony. Singers in rural areas came together to sing at interdenominational gatherings from collections assembled by members of their groups. From these efforts came settings of the universal favorite, "Amazing Grace." Sinners could acknowledge their sin and assuage their guilt by singing an Isaac Watts poem that assured their ascent to heavenly mansions when all their sins were forgiven, "When I Can Read My Title Clear."

The townspeople of St. Joseph, on the Gulf coast, tired of hurricanes and yellow fever, were certain that God was punishing them for misbehaving, and left Florida for Texas in 1843. Ministers in both St. Joseph and Tallahassee had warned of drunkenness and other evils that were not punished and threatened God’s wrath. Both towns were called "the wickedist place in the United States." They thought twice about attending a dance or viewing circus dancers who were scantily clothed.

V. Folk Music From Many Sources

A small number of Black workers were brought to Florida by French and Spanish settlers, but the largest number of slaves were brought by the British. The West Florida first assembly budget proposal was the distribution of an annual cargo of slaves to the inhabitants. The proposal was for the encouragement of agriculture and trade, but over the years it produced unexpected cultural dividends.¹⁴ One of the most widespread and enduring was the music the slaves created. Music of Black immigrants to Jamaica, the Bahamas, and Antigua was reported by early writers. In 1777 William Beckford described such Jamaican instruments as flutes, the bender (percussion), the cotter, and gamba made of stone and wood.¹⁵ He also heard an animal jawbone played and thought the sound was disagreeable. Florida children of slave families played the jawbone, tambourine, and drum while dancing.¹⁶ A favorite revival hymn/spiritual of Florida slaves was "Roll, Jordan, Roll," according to William Francis Allen, an early researcher of spirituals. It was sung across the state in churches, in the fields, and at weekend jubilees. Most spirituals have a Biblical base. Many were improvised by field workers. They are popular sacred folk songs and are sung with great fervor. Islanders who came from the Bahamas to Florida brought their extemporised versions that told the secular folk story of an imaginary bird in a local setting performing miracles. The syncopated rhythm imported handily to Key West.

Several notable Florida African-Americans expanded the music repertory of their race. James Weldon Johnson, poet and diplomat, and brother Rosamund, wrote "Lift Every Voice And Sing," which is considered the national hymn of African-Americans. They were from Jacksonville. Zora Neale Hurston, from Eatonville, Florida, wrote of Haiti, Jamaica, and voodoism. She included songs of her race in her book, Mules and Men. The white British composer Frederick Delius, who lived at Solano Grove and Jacksonville, incorporated a slave song in "Appalachia," a large scale composition for orchestra and chorus.

Andrew Jackson Allen was one of the earliest performers in America to do a song-and-dance in blackface. He sang a "Negro dialect" song on the Pensacola stage in 1821 in the drama The Battle of Champlain. He had appeared in blackface earlier in Albany, New York.

English, Scottish, and Irish formed the majority population of Florida in the nineteenth century. They and their descendants popularized the music of their countries so completely that it is still well known today. English and Scottish publishers brought out large collections of fiddle tunes, ballad operas, and sentimental songs. Many collections were brought by families whose descendants remain residents of the state. The Whitfield family brought four volumes (bound in twos) of Scottish folk songs to Tallahassee. One volume was harmonized by Franz Joseph Haydn.¹⁷ In it is "Barbara Allen," the most popular of the genre. Other favorites on the plantations of North Florida were "Jock O’ Hazeldean," "Lord Randal," and "My Boy Tammy." Large collections of fiddle tunes were published in London and Edinburgh, including some that may be heard today on country music programs: "Fisher’s Hornpipe" and the "Virginia Reel."

At the same time, Chickering pianos appeared in many parlors. Young girls and a few boys played H. A. Wollenhaupt’s "Grand Marche Militaire" and "Whispering Wind." They also played Louis Moreau Gottschalk’s "Ojos Criollos," a Cuban dance, "Souvenir de Porto Rico," and, reminiscent of his home town of New Orleans, "Le Banjo." Best known of his works here and across the nation was the very sentimental "Last Hope."

Sentiment played a large role in 19th century music abroad, in Florida, and in the nation at large. Its spirit could be conveyed in instrumental music, but its full impact lay in the words of songs, floods of songs: "Oft in the Stilly Night," "I Dreamed That I Dwelled in Marble Halls," "Home, Sweet, Home," and "Kathleen Mavourneen." Comic songs had their place, such as "The Musical Wife" (John Parry), "As I’d Nothing Else To Do" (J. L. Hatton), and "Flirting on the Sly" (J. P. Skelly). Most popular of all song composers was Stephen Foster, who wrote appealing love songs for the parlor and upbeat, foot-patting songs for minstrel shows. In 1831, he also wrote "Old Folks at Home," which in 1851 was adopted as the official state song by the state legislature.

Cowboys, fishermen, loggermen, farmers, and dock hands enlarged the folk treasury of Florida by improvising songs about their work, their feelings, the girls in every port. Cracker men improvised chicken-dance steps to fiddle tunes. While Florida was considered a backwater, it benefited from floods of newcomers, largely from the eastern seaboard states. In the years following the end of the Civil War, the state offered incentives that brought wealth and development. Henry Flagler brought hotels and railways to the east coast. Hamilton Disston bought four million acres of state land for 25 cents an acre. Henry Plant built a Moorish hotel and railroads for the west coast. Capital for development of natural resources became available. Dredge workers at Lake Okeechobee sang songs, as did steamboaters on the St. John’s river and the multi-national dock workers at Apalachicola who loaded cotton bound for England.

The Civil War had its effect on Florida music, as it did on music generally in both the Confederacy and the Union. A band of local musicians led a torchlight parade in Tallahassee on the night before the Secession Ordinance was signed at the state capitol. Citizens danced in the streets. Recruits signed up for a year’s service in the Confederate Army. The decision to leave the Union had not been an easy one. Former governor Richard Keith Call led strong opposition and was supported by political leaders in nearby counties, but the secessionists won, and tragedy followed.

Problems for musicians also followed. The Unionists’ "Yankee Doodle" had to be abandoned, or new words fit to the tune. Confederate men sang hymns from memory until a few small collections were compiled and bound. Newly written secular tunes "tended to pathos." Language was as much a barrier as foreswearing Yankee songs. Company K of the Seventh Florida Infantry Regiment in 1861 was composed of "Yankees, Crackers, Conchs, Englishmen, Spaniards, Frenchmen, Italians, Poles, Irishmen, Swedes, Chinese, Portuguese, Brazilians... All [were] good Southern men."¹⁸ Singing around campfires gained devotees. Partisan tunes were "Dixie," "Bonnie Blue Flag," "God Save the Southern Land," and others which expressed loneliness, homesickness, and concern for their families at home. Civilians organized benefit concerts where they played and sang sentimental songs of Germany, France and America. One diarist wrote that "sweet old-time airs were sung, operatic music enchanted the educated ears; touching Confederate songs brought tears to the eyes of many."¹⁹

The best account of Florida Confederate bands is contained in letters of Washington M. Ives, Jr., to his family in Live Oak. He was a member of the Fourth Florida Regiment and served through the battle of Chickamauga and other deadly campaigns of the war. Among his band’s repertory were "Sultan Polka," "Verona Waltz," "The Mobile Quickstep," "Cheer, Boys, Cheer," and "Grand Norma March."²⁰ Infantryman Ives had a discerning observation on the future of Florida: "There is really a great deal of romance and affectation yet in the South, which I wish would give way to something like the realities of life."²¹

VI. Later Development: Growth and Mixtures

Opening supply lines, clearing swamps, and especially the invention of air conditioning led to large increases of population across the state as the 20th century began. Managers of hotels around the turn of the century brought performers of international reputations to their establishments. Among them were the singers Emma Calvé, Ernestine Schumann-Heink, and Lillian Nordica. Albert Spaulding, the American violinist, appeared in 1908 at age twenty.

In the ‘30s and ‘40s, the music of the Gershwins, Rogers and Hart, Jerome Kern, andCole Porter was played by big bands and sung by the top talent of the day. Songs by Irvin Berlin and from Broadway shows filled nightclubs in elegant hotels. Popular music styles changed as often as the weather, especially after the 1940s. Elvis Presley was king of rock and roll. The Beatles modified that style with light singing, heavy bass, and original songs by Paul McCartney and John Lennon. Afro-Cuban rhythm patterns emerged as irresistible to popular music fans through Xavier Cugat rumbas, mambos, and merengues. Harry Belafonte sang calypso and other West Indies tunes. Cuban salsa and conga with bongo drums were popular, especially from 1945 to 1970. Fusions of all of these may be heard today. Music for television shows from South Beach, Miami emerged as the "Miami beat." Cuban and Mexican "Rock en Español" performances are now welcomed across North America. Native Floridians have accepted popular styles so completely that some of them have seeped into music of churches.

VII. Conclusions

We have observed the interactions of music in history among native and national groups. We have written about the purposes and functions of music as groups moved in and out of Florida. We have not limited our perspective to music that invites aesthetic contemplation. For the most part, music in Florida was social or work-communication. Much of it was functional or diverting, just as it was elsewhere in the new nation. One distinguishing feature of early Florida music was the manifold changes that it accommodated as the state passed from domination of natives, Spanish, French, British, and Americans: Single-line vernacular chant, Latin liturgy, Huguenot hymns, Scottish fiddle tunes and folk songs for dancing or drinking, then spirituals of immigrants from Africa as well as the music of diverse small European settlements that appeared beginning in the nineteenth century (Cubans in Tampa; Czechs and Yugoslavs in Masaryktown and Samaida, near Daytona Beach; Finns in Lake Worth; Danes in Dania; Swedes in Uppsala and Hallandale; Asians in Tampa and Miami; Haitians, Jamaicans, Nicaraguans, Colombians, and Armenians in Miami; Greeks in Tarpon Springs; Vietnamese in Pensacola). That mix was further enriched by other Caribbean, South and Central Americans. The cultural matrix produced music of infinite variety for numerous purposes, much of it utilitarian, and most of it non-aesthetic. Richer educational opportunities have led to favorable professional positions in music. State support of the Florida Music Educators Association and Florida Music Teachers Association has been influential in modifying attitudes toward music and encouraging its use. Churches and temples have broadened the uses of music both in the service and in allied schools. Generous national support by the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, and the National Endowment for the Arts and Humanities have enhanced the role of music in Florida. The state has accepted the challenge of meeting clearly stated standards for music achievement in public schools. We now work not for the synthesis of styles of our diverse population, but for the preservation of the rich heritage of music that has been brought to our shores by people from five continents. The use of music is a unifying agency among the people in Florida, just as it is in the nation. Cultural crosscurrents are changing, just as they have throughout history.

Music for aesthetic purposes is acceptable to large audiences in Florida. Standards are determined by what patrons find beautiful, unique, or profound. Music of African-Americans clearly dominates the popular music scene. Demographic studies indicate that in the next seven years, Hispanic Americans will be the nation’s largest minority. Asians are expected to figure into the shift. Music in Florida may emerge with distinctive rhythmic figures, tone colors, or other organizational features. It will change as surely as its demographics will. That does not mean that it will get better or worse. As the wise ethnomusicologist once wrote, "We have made our own culture, and we must live in it."

NOTE:  Music historian Tony Morris tells us that, according to Christobal Diaz Ayala (A History of Cuban Music), the arrival of musicians with Cortez was actually preceded by eight years. The first Spanish musicians in the New World arrived with the 1511 Spanish conquest of Cuba. The musicians included Alonso Moron, a Spanish vihuelist; a singer named Porras; and Ortis, a vilist and vihuelist.

NOTES

1. Verne E. Chatelain, The Defenses of Spanish Florida, 1565 to 1763. Washington,D.C.: Institution of Washington Publication 511.

2. Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, The Journey of Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. . .,b1528-36. Transcribed from his own narrative by Fanny Bandelier, p. 5. Barre, Massachusetts: Imprint Society, 1972.

3. W. H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, p. 238.

4. Victor Francis O’Daniel, Dominicans in Early Florida, p. 218.

5. Luis Geronimo de Oré, The Martyrs of Florida, 1513-1616, translated and edited by Maynard Geiger, p. 80. New York: Joseph F. Wagner, 1936.

6. Eugenio Rui Diaz y Caravia, La Florida, I: 155; also Solís de Meras, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, pp. 145-46.

7. Helen Hornbeck Tanner, "The 1789 St. Augustine Celebration," Florida Historical

Quarterly 38/4 (October 1959): 280-93.

8. Francisco Pareja, 1613 Confessionario en Lengua Castellano, y Timuquana. Mexico: Vinda de Diego Lopéz Davalos.

9. George R. Fairbanks, The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, Florida, pp. 34, 67, 84. Original edition 1858. Facsimile edition: Gainesville, University Presses of Florida, 1975.

10. George A. McCall, Letters from the Frontiers, p. 70-71.

11. Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Progress Administration, The WPA Guide to Florida, p. 137. New York: Pantheon Books, 1984. This poem is in the Ashmolean manuscript collection of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University.

12. George Farquhar, The Recruiting Officer, 1706.

13. R. I. [John Reid], A Set of Marches for Two clarinets, Hautboys, or German Flutes, Two Horns, and a Bassoon, pp. 20-21 and 24-25.

14. Clinton N. Howard, The British Development of West Florida, 1763-69, p. 45.

15. William Beckford, A Descriptive Account of the Island of Jamaica, I: 215-17; II: 387.

16. Comte de Castelnau, Vues et Souvenirs de l’Amérique du Nord, p. 316.

17. This collection is now in the Music Library of Florida State University.

18. Robert Watson, His Confederate War Diary, 1861-65, p. 27.

19. Susan Bradford Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, pp. 237-38.

20. Washington M. Ives, Jr., letters to his sisters, 20 October 1862, from Murfreesboro, Tennessee, and 16 January 1864, from Dalton, Georgia.

21. Washington M. Ives, Jr., letter to his mother, 12 November 1863, from Chickamauga.

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DISCOGRAPHY

African-American Spirituals: The Concert Tradition, Volume 1. CD. Smithsonian Folkways SF40072.

Alabama Sacred Harp Convention. White Spirituals from the Sacred Harp. LP. New World Records NW205.

Bibb, Eric. Needed Time: Spirit and the Blues. CD. Opus 3 CD19401.

Bolcom, William, and Joan Morris. Silver Linings: Songs by Jerome Kern. CD. ArabesqueZ6515 DID X 89.

Brave Boys. New England Traditions in Folk Music. LP. New World Records 80239-2

British Militaty Bands on Parade. CD. Decca D141D4.

Chestnut Brass. Listen to the Mocking Bird. CD. Allegro Digital NPD85516.

Christeson, R. P. Old-Time Fiddler’s Repertory. 2 mono LPs (companion to text). Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973.

Gershwin, George. George Gershwin Plays Gershwin and Kern. LP. Klavier Records L. C. 72-750387 K5-122.

Gillespie, Dizzy. To Bird With Love. CD. Telarc CD3518.

Great Rhyming Singers of the Bahamas. The Great Rhyming Singers of the Bahamas Kneelin’ Down Inside the Gate. CD. Rounder CD 5035.

Hadden, Nancy. Music from the Spanish Kingdoms circa 1500. LP. CRD Records 3447.

Hampson, Thomas. American Dreamer: Songs of Stephen Foster. CD. Angel CDC 0 777 7

54621 28.

Haydn, Franz Joseph. Music for England. CD. L’Oiseau-Lyre 1982, Folio Society 263 D2.

Monk, Thelonious. Bebop and Beyond. CD. Bluemoon Records CD3162.

The Nineteenth Century Virtuoso. LP. New World Records 257.

Paramount Jazz Band of Boston. "Ain’t Cha Glad?". CD. Stomp Off (York, Pa.) CD1205.

Pipe Band of Her Majesty’s Scots Guards, Second Battalion. CD. Decca. New World Sound

DL8184. Musical Heritage Society.

Rhythm Come Forward: Reggae. CD. Columbia PC39472.

Roger Wagner Chorale. Echoes from a 16th Century Cathedral (Music of Victoria). CD. Angel 36013.

Steel Band: Antigua and Trinidad. CD. Playsound PS65006.

U. S. Army Field Band and Soldier’s Chorus. A Yorktown Salute. CD. Department of the Army, Washington, D. C.

Varner, Tom. Long Night, Big Day. CD. New World Counter Currents 80410-2.

Image Citations